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Post WWII elections by winning two party preferred vote
Here are the federal elections from 1949 onwards in order of
two party preferred vote of the winning party*.
All columns self explanatory.
Learn about preferential voting.
Harold Holt's Vietnam War poll tops the list, while Malcolm
Fraser's 1975 landslide comes second in votes but received the biggest seat
majority. (See second last column). The big wins are all Coalition. Notice that
most elections in Australia are reasonably close - closer than, say, US
presidential ones, eg Ronald Reagan getting 59 percent of what we would call the
primary vote in 1984.
Continue
reading underneath table ...
Election results by winning
two party preferred vote (1949 - 2001)
|
|
Election
Date
|
leader
of winning
party(s)
|
winner's
two party
preferred vote
|
loser's
two party
preferred
vote
|
winner's
primary
vote
|
loser's
primary
vote
|
total
seats in House of Reps
|
winner's
seat numbers
|
loser's
seat numbers
|
winner's
proportion of total
seats
|
loser's proportion
of total
seats
|
1
|
26.11.66
|
Holt
|
56.9
|
43.1
|
49.9
|
40.0
|
124
|
82
|
41
|
66.1
|
33.1
|
2
|
13.12.75
|
Fraser
|
55.7
|
44.3
|
53.1
|
42.8
|
127
|
91
|
36
|
71.7
|
28.4
|
3
|
10.12.77
|
Fraser
|
54.6
|
45.4
|
48.1
|
39.6
|
124
|
86
|
38
|
69.4
|
30.7
|
4
|
10.12.55
|
Menzies
|
54.2
|
45.8
|
47.6
|
44.6
|
122
|
75
|
47
|
61.5
|
38.5
|
5
|
22.11.58
|
Menzies
|
54.1
|
45.9
|
46.5
|
42.8
|
122
|
77
|
45
|
63.1
|
36.9
|
6
|
2.3.96
|
Howard
|
53.6
|
46.4
|
46.9
|
38.8
|
148
|
93
|
49
|
62.8
|
33.1
|
7
|
5.3.83
|
Hawke
|
53.2
|
46.8
|
49.5
|
43.6
|
125
|
75
|
50
|
60.0
|
40.0
|
8
|
2.12.72
|
Whitlam
|
52.7
|
47.3
|
49.6
|
37.5
|
125
|
67
|
58
|
53.6
|
42.4
|
9
|
30.11.63
|
Menzies
|
52.6
|
47.4
|
46.0
|
45.5
|
122
|
72
|
50
|
59.0
|
41.0
|
10
|
1.12.84
|
Hawke
|
51.8
|
48.2
|
47.5
|
45.0
|
148
|
82
|
66
|
55.4
|
44.6
|
11
|
18.5.74
|
Whitlam
|
51.7
|
48.3
|
49.3
|
45.7
|
127
|
66
|
61
|
52.0
|
48.0
|
12
|
13.3.93
|
Keating
|
51.4
|
48.6
|
44.9
|
44.0
|
147
|
80
|
65
|
54.4
|
44.2
|
13
|
10.11.01
|
Howard
|
51.0
|
49.0
|
42.7
|
37.8
|
150
|
81
|
65
|
54.0
|
43.3
|
14
|
10.12.49
|
Menzies
|
51.0
|
49.0
|
50.3
|
46.0
|
121
|
74
|
47
|
61.2
|
38.8
|
15
|
11.7.87
|
Hawke
|
50.8
|
49.2
|
45.8
|
45.8
|
148
|
86
|
62
|
58.1
|
41.9
|
16
|
28.4.51
|
Menzies
|
50.7
|
49.3
|
50.3
|
47.6
|
121
|
69
|
52
|
57.0
|
43.0
|
17
|
18.10.80
|
Fraser
|
50.4
|
49.6
|
46.3
|
45.1
|
125
|
74
|
51
|
59.2
|
40.8
|
18
|
24.3.90
|
Hawke
|
49.9
|
50.1
|
39.4
|
43.2
|
148
|
78
|
69
|
52.7
|
46.6
|
19
|
25.10.69
|
Gorton
|
49.8
|
50.2
|
43.4
|
47.0
|
125
|
66
|
59
|
52.8
|
47.2
|
20
|
9.12.61
|
Menzies
|
49.5
|
50.5
|
42.1
|
47.9
|
122
|
62
|
60
|
50.8
|
49.2
|
21
|
29.5.54
|
Menzies
|
49.3
|
50.7
|
47.1
|
50.0
|
121
|
64
|
57
|
52.9
|
47.1
|
22
|
3.10.98
|
Howard
|
48.9
|
51.1
|
39.2
|
40.1
|
148
|
80
|
67
|
54.1
|
45.3
|
Notice ...
The bottom five won government with less than half the
vote. Depending on who you ask, this is due to luck or marginal seat
strategical genius, but all were incumbents going for re-election.
Notice also how Hawke's
50.8 percent of votes in 1987 [rank 15] got him 58.1% of seats, while Beazley's 51.1%
in 1998 [rank 22] translated into a meagre 45.3 percent of seats.
Governments are better equipped
to pork barrel the marginals, and spend up on elections in general. That's one
reason they tend to get more seats for the vote buck. Probably
more importantly, voters in the typical marginal seat - regional or outer
suburban - tend to be conservative and hard to shift. Howard's success in 1998
was undoubtedly largely due to key voters feeling that tossing a government
out after one term wasn't quite cricket.
Another factor is that Labor habitually wastes votes in safe
areas, which is why the current hand wringing about soft support in western Sydney -
Labor's biggest vote gobbler - is difficult to understand in anything other
than sentimental terms. .
-
The
Howard
electoral record
After
the 2001 election, Dennis Shanahan wrote in The Australian that
"the Liberal team [Howard] has led in three election victories has won some
of the biggest votes and parliamentary majorities since Federation."
Let's test that. Howard's initial 1996 win was the sixth
biggest since 1949, so we can give that to Dennis - just. But his two
re-elections have been deeply ordinary, and one of them - in 1998 - was with the smallest
(successful) vote on record. 2001 was also well in the bottom half [rank 13].
And in seat terms, 1996 saw a big majority, but
the other two were historically modest. Note the government's percentage of
seats actually went backwards by a fraction of a percent in 2001 compared with
1998.
Howard's electoral record is, like Shanahan's analysis,
unimpressive. He's been re-elected twice, but that's a record no non-Labor
government for ninety years has failed to match.
We hear much about Labor's dire primary vote at the last poll -
at 37.8%, its worst since the Great Depression. But for context, have a look at the 1954 election result
[no. 21], at which Labor's primary vote was 50 percent - its highest since the
introduction of preferential voting in 1919. Labor lost in 1954. See also the 1990 poll
[rank 18] that Labor won with primary support of 39.4%.
Two party preferred support is what matters.
Grumpy old Alan
Ramsey thinks primary votes are more important, which might explain his
claim several months ago that Howard gave
Labor "a hiding" in 2001. In fact the Coalition's proportion of
seats went down slightly from 1998 (Labor's dropped by a larger amount). In
seat terms, 1998 and 2001 were similar. They were comfy wins but competitive
contests.
Ranks 13 to 22, the bottom 10, are where both
sides got between 51 and 49 two party preferred. Exactly half went to the party with most
votes. And eight of those ten were Coalition wins.
So historically, when the vote reasonably close, our
electoral system has got it right about half the time - if you reckon the winner of
the two party preferred vote should get government.
And if the vote is close, the Coalition usually wins.
*
All numbers
from the AEC. Note: before 1983 not all
preferences were distributed. Two party preferred votes from 1949 to 1980 are
therefore the Commission's estimates.
All look
reasonable except 1949, where 51 to
49 two party preferred seems too small a lead from 50.3 to
46.0 in primary votes and a 27 seat
majority in a 121 size house. But in absence of better estimate, am using that.
For results since 1901 (sans two party preferred) visit the
AEC.
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