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Two party preferred margins 1949 -
2001
Two tables below expand on this
page (where you'll find fuller explanation).
They show votes, seats and seat majorities for every federal
election since 1949. The last two columns show the two party preferred vote, assuming uniform
swings, for what Malcolm Mackerras calls the "point of pendulum": that
which would have resulted in a hung parliament (or as close to it as possible).
If the electoral system were perfectly "fair", that would always be 50:
50, but it's not. For example, in 1949 the ALP
would have needed over 52.3 percent to win.
Table 1 is chronological. The
rankings in first column refer to Table 2, which is ordered by
that
"point of pendulum".
From Table 2, the terms of the
contest were best for the Coalition in 1955, when
the ALP would have needed 53.5
percent two party preferred to win (second column from right). (They only got 45.8,
so it's academic.) At the bottom the terms most favourable to the ALP
were in 1987, when the John Howard led opposition would
have needed 52.9 percent to win.
Table 1: chronological
| |
year |
ALP
2pp vote |
Coal
2pp vote |
ALP
seats |
Coal
seats |
Tot
seats |
Govt
maj-
ority |
winning
margin |
ALP
2pp for
change |
Coal
2pp for
change |
| 4 |
1949 |
49.0 |
51.0 |
47 |
74 |
121 |
27 |
3.3 |
52.3 |
47.7 |
| 3 |
1951 |
49.3 |
50.7
|
52 |
69 |
121 |
17 |
3.2 |
52.5 |
47.5 |
| 11 |
1954 |
50.7 |
49.3 |
57 |
64 |
121 |
7 |
0.5 |
51.2 |
48.8 |
| 1 |
1955 |
45.8 |
54.2 |
47 |
75 |
122 |
28 |
7.7 |
53.5 |
46.5 |
| 2 |
1958 |
45.9 |
54.1 |
45 |
77 |
122 |
32 |
7.0 |
52.9 |
47.1 |
| 10 |
1961 |
50.5 |
49.5 |
60 |
62 |
122 |
2 |
0.8 |
51.3 |
48.7 |
| 9 |
1963 |
47.4 |
52.6 |
50 |
72 |
122 |
22 |
4.1 |
51.5 |
48.5 |
| 8 |
1966 |
43.1 |
56.9 |
41 |
82 |
124 |
40 |
8.5 |
51.6 |
48.4 |
| 6 |
1969 |
50.2 |
49.8 |
59 |
66 |
125 |
7 |
1.5 |
51.7 |
48.3 |
| 13 |
1972 |
52.7 |
47.3 |
67 |
58 |
125 |
9 |
1.6 |
51.1 |
48.9 |
| 14 |
1974 |
51.7 |
48.3 |
66 |
61 |
127 |
5 |
0.6 |
51.1 |
48.9 |
| 12 |
1975 |
44.3 |
55.7 |
36 |
91 |
127 |
55 |
6.9 |
51.2 |
48.8 |
| 7 |
1977 |
45.4 |
54.6 |
38 |
86 |
124 |
48 |
6.3 |
51.7 |
48.3 |
| 16 |
1980 |
49.6 |
50.4 |
51 |
74 |
125 |
23 |
1.3 |
50.9 |
49.1 |
| 15 |
1983 |
53.2 |
46.8 |
75 |
50 |
125 |
25 |
2.2 |
51.0 |
49.0 |
| 20 |
1984 |
51.8 |
48.2 |
82 |
66 |
148 |
16 |
2.2 |
49.6 |
50.4 |
| 22 |
1987 |
50.8 |
49.2 |
86 |
62 |
148 |
24 |
3.4 |
47.4 |
52.6 |
| 21 |
1990 |
49.9 |
50.1 |
78 |
69 |
148 |
8 |
1.4 |
48.5 |
51.5 |
| 17 |
1993 |
51.4 |
48.6 |
80 |
65 |
147 |
13 |
0.5 |
50.9 |
49.1 |
| 19 |
1996 |
46.4 |
53.6 |
49 |
94 |
148 |
40 |
3.9 |
50.3 |
49.7 |
| 5 |
1998 |
51.1 |
48.9 |
67 |
80 |
148 |
12 |
0.9 |
52.0 |
48.0 |
| 18 |
2001 |
49.0 |
51.0 |
65 |
82 |
150 |
14 |
1.7 |
50.7 |
49.3 |
Table 2: by ALP two
party preferred vote for different election result (second last column)
| |
year |
ALP
2pp vote |
Coal
2pp vote |
ALP
seats |
Coal
seats |
Tot
seats |
Govt
maj-
ority |
winning
margin |
ALP
2pp for
change |
Coal
2pp for
change |
| 1 |
1955 |
45.8 |
54.2 |
47 |
75 |
122 |
28 |
7.7 |
53.5 |
46.5 |
| 2 |
1958 |
45.9 |
54.1 |
45 |
77 |
122 |
32 |
7.0 |
52.9 |
47.1 |
| 3 |
1951 |
49.3 |
50.7 |
52 |
69 |
121 |
17 |
3.2 |
52.5 |
47.5 |
| 4 |
1949 |
49.0 |
51.0 |
47 |
74 |
121 |
27 |
3.3 |
52.3 |
47.7 |
| 5 |
1998 |
51.1 |
48.9 |
67 |
80 |
148 |
12 |
0.9 |
52.0 |
48.0 |
| 6 |
1969 |
50.2 |
49.8 |
59 |
66 |
125 |
7 |
1.5 |
51.7 |
48.3 |
| 7 |
1977 |
45.4 |
54.6 |
38 |
86 |
124 |
48 |
6.3 |
51.7 |
48.3 |
| 8 |
1966 |
43.1 |
56.9 |
41 |
82 |
124 |
40 |
8.5 |
51.6 |
48.4 |
| 9 |
1963 |
47.4 |
52.6 |
50 |
72 |
122 |
22 |
4.1 |
51.5 |
48.5 |
| 10 |
1961 |
50.5 |
49.5 |
60 |
62 |
122 |
2 |
0.8 |
51.3 |
48.7 |
| 11 |
1954 |
50.7 |
49.3 |
57 |
64 |
121 |
7 |
0.5 |
51.2 |
48.8 |
| 12 |
1975 |
44.3 |
55.7 |
36 |
91 |
127 |
55 |
6.9 |
51.2 |
48.8 |
| 13 |
1972 |
52.7 |
47.3 |
67 |
58 |
125 |
9 |
1.6 |
51.1 |
48.9 |
| 14 |
1974 |
51.7 |
48.3 |
66 |
61 |
127 |
5 |
0.6 |
51.1 |
48.9 |
| 15 |
1983 |
53.2 |
46.8 |
75 |
50 |
125 |
25 |
2.2 |
51.0 |
49.0 |
| 16 |
1980 |
49.6 |
50.4 |
51 |
74 |
125 |
23 |
1.3 |
50.9 |
49.1 |
| 17 |
1993 |
51.4 |
48.6 |
80 |
65 |
147 |
13 |
0.5 |
50.9 |
49.1 |
| 18 |
2001 |
49.1 |
51.0 |
65 |
82 |
150 |
14 |
1.7 |
50.8 |
49.2 |
| 19 |
1996 |
46.4 |
53.6 |
49 |
94 |
148 |
40 |
3.9 |
50.3 |
49.7 |
| 20 |
1984 |
51.8 |
48.2 |
82 |
66 |
148 |
16 |
2.2 |
49.6 |
50.4 |
| 21 |
1990 |
49.9 |
50.1 |
78 |
69 |
148 |
8 |
1.4 |
48.5 |
51.5 |
| 22 |
1987 |
50.8 |
49.2 |
86 |
62 |
148 |
24 |
3.4 |
47.4 |
52.6 |
From Table 2:
there have been 22 federal elections since 1949, and nineteen of them had terms
favouring the Coalition, ie they only needed a minority of the vote to win. (At
four of them - 1954, 1961, 1969 and 1998 - they did just that.)
The three others - at bottom of table - which favoured Labor, were all during the Hawke
government; incumbency obviously plays a part. (Labor enjoyed one "minority
win" - in 1990.)
But compare 2001, ranked 18, with 1998, ranked 5. Kim Beazley
would have needed a whopping 52 percent to win in 1998, but three years later 50.8 would have done
it. It is no coincidence that 1998 saw Labor rack up record two party preferred
majorities in Sydney's western suburbs, while three years later the demographic
swung massively to Howard, without resulting in one western Sydney seat changing
hands*.
Big support in the Labor heartland
is a waste of electoral capital.
More explanation here
* Fine print: Two, however, Macarthur and Parramatta, had
been notional Labor before the election.
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