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November 30 Memo
to Kim (or Kevin): move into the Lodge
I've worked it out - what Mr Beazley has been doing wrong. He hasn't moved into
the Lodge! If you go back over all previous Prime Ministers, each has lived
in the Lodge.
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Beazley has
never done this, and that's why he never wins elections.
The purpose of the above bit of silliness is to point to confusion of cause
and effect contained in much popular political analysis. Labor's problem,
commentators say, is that it is no longer seen as the party of economic reform and is not the
favoured party on national security. Philosophically, it's not sure if it's
Arthur or Martha; there's intermittent leadership sniping; structures are
moribund; too much dead-wood. The PM has authority and is seen as a 'conviction
politician!' - the opposition leader is a hand-wringer and a wimp.
In reality all these things - or perceptions of them - are part and parcel of being
in opposition.
If an opposition leader tried to move into the Lodge before winning an
election, he or she would be sent to the funny farm. If they set out to be a
'conviction politician!' the electorate puts them out to pasture - the Latham
experience.
And the opposition as the party of economic reform? That's John Hewson's
Liberals.
Related to here and, perhaps, here.
November 29 Victoria:
learning the lessons
When an opposition loses an election, or performs more poorly than expected,
everything they did during the campaign instantly becomes a textbook example of
what not to do.
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Mark Latham's 2004 Medicare Gold falls into this category: after election day the received wisdom became
that Australians won't cop the idea of universal, non-means tested health care for old people.
(Leave off the 'old people' part and haven't you got most people's idea of
Medicare?)
So it is with Ted Bailleiu's Victorian effort: whatever you do, don't
impersonate Elvis if you want to win an election. Give the people substance, not
fluff.
'if on
election day it is closer than about 56 to 44,
I reckon we can say Baillieu did quite well (and Bracks didn't).'
Latest numbers seem to suggest it's more like 55
to 45, or even a tad closer. (The Age's Tim
Colebatch calculates it as 54.8 to 45.2
and narrowing as counting continues.) The Libs took 5-8(?) seats. In states and territories across the country (apart from WA)
Labor governments are being returned in landslides. See table below: Victoria
2006 was the closest two party preferred Labor re-election result over the past
decade outside WA.
Election night in Victoria
might have been a disappointment for Libs because expectations had been raised
by some good opinion polls. If the polls had been like, say, those in
Queensland during the last fortnight of the September campaign, they might have thought they got
off lightly last Saturday.
Those good poll showings were indicative of something, and in the end the result was
pretty good in the circumstances. Whatever Bailleiu did, he did rather well. But
he'll probably never be Premier; his timing's all wrong.
November 28 Newspoll
says 51
to 49
Table: current governments' two party preferred votes in decreasing
order [as at 28 November 2006]
|
|
Place
|
date
|
winning
2pp
|
|
1
|
Qld
|
Feb
'01
|
60(2)
|
|
2
|
NT
|
Jul? '05
|
59(2)
|
|
3
|
Vic
|
Nov '02
|
57.8(2)
|
|
4
|
SA
|
Mar '06
|
56.8(2)
|
|
5
|
NSW
|
Mar '03
|
56.2(3)
|
|
6
|
Qld
|
Sept '06
|
56(4)
|
|
7
|
NSW
|
Mar '99
|
56(2)
|
|
8
|
Qld
|
Feb '04
|
55.5(3)
|
|
9
|
Vic
|
Nov '06
|
54.5(3)
|
|
10
|
Fed
|
Mar '96
|
53.6(1)
|
|
|
|
Place
|
date
|
winning
2pp
|
|
11
|
WA
|
Feb '02
|
53(1)
|
|
12
|
Fed
|
Oct '04
|
52.7(4)
|
|
13
|
WA
|
Feb '05
|
52(2)
|
|
14
|
Qld
|
Jun '98
|
51(1)
|
|
15
|
Fed
|
Nov '01
|
50.9(3)
|
|
16
|
Vic
|
Sept
'99
|
50.2(1)
|
|
17
|
SA
|
Feb '02
|
49.1(1)
|
|
18
|
NSW
|
Mar '95
|
49(1)
|
|
19
|
Fed
|
Oct '98
|
48.9(2)
|
|
20
|
NT
|
Sept '01
|
48(1)
|
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A reader asks: how does Bracks' vote on Saturday compare with other recent
state ones? The answer: 56
to 44 is 'about usual'. [update: as counting
continues it seems
more like 54.5
to 45 so have adjusted table entry] At left, in
decreasing order, are all two party preferred votes recorded by current governments in
Australia, apart from the two elected under PR. (Some numbers are rounded
estimates from memory.)
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(Slightly raised numbers in brackets) next to votes are which election
government was facing: eg the top four numbers were all at elections going into
a second term. Federal and Queensland - the only jurisdictions with three year terms - have four
entries each.
While Howard was elected in a landslide in 1996, and hasn't come close
to repeating that performance, a distinguishing feature of the current
state (& NT) governments is that initially they just squeaked in, sometimes with
a minority of the vote, and have been returned with thumping, usually
record-setting landslides. (WA
is an exception, with a poor re-election effort.)
November 26 Victoria,
the morning after
ABC's final estimate is Labor with 56 seats, one more than my Saturday
prediction. If they edge up to 57 I'll get a small Centrebet payout, so fingers
are crossed.
Perhaps the most interesting feature of the evening was former leader Robert
Doyle on the telly with Kerry O'Brien (and John Brumby and Antony Green). Robert
was terribly forlorn at the result, repeatedly noting that the Libs' primary
vote had fallen, keen to offer kindly advice to the party: get behind Ted, work
as a team etc. 'I wish I could say it's been a pleasure, Kerry' was his parting
line.
The words 'crocodile' and 'tears' came to mind, and 'schadenfreude'. A very
human former leader, but no doubt a chirpy one this morning, as anticipated when
he resigned in May.
November 25 pm Election
snaps from two polling stations
Town Hall and Brunswick Street. Click on a picture for enlarged version (a
couple also have hover-over text); use
back button to return to here.
November 25 am Final
Victorian polls and prediction
Newspoll
says 56 to 44 while
both Nielsen
and Morgan have 53
to 47.
My final prediction: Labor to win 55 seats. (Too late to place a bet.) Also
tentatively reckon Greens will take no lower house electorates. [Update:
both, I think, spot on.]
Note: In the Fin Review today on
page 6 a graph of Vic opinion polls credits this site and a bunch of
pollsters. Missing from that list is McNair, whose single survey result
appears in the graph and whose name I included in the data I sent the paper.
November 24 4:47pm:
another Vic wager
Today's Galaxy helped me overcome yesterday's bout of equivocation and I now,
at least until I see tomorrow's polls, expect a biiiiig result, in the order of 56
to 44.
So have now put a few bucks each on 57 and 58 seats for the ALP, which is at
the higher end of expectations. Respective odds were 9 to 1 and 11 to one.
Tomorrow: final guesstimate and perhaps, if up early enough, a final punt.
November 24
Victoria
Brian Costar's nice summary on Labor in 'the bush' in The
Age.
Galaxy in the Herald
Sun says 55 to 45.
Money
thrown at worthy charity
| 61 SEATS |
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| 62 SEATS |
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Centrebet is now taking bets on number of seats Labor will win.
(Currently they hold 62.) In absolute contrast to yesterday's ponderings,
I've snapped up big odds for results at higher side of expectations (at
left). Just a few dollars. Yes, my betting track record has been poor
lately; no, I'm not saying any of these results is more likely than not to
happen, just that they are good odds.
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Bob Carr, for example, kept his majority in tact at his second re-election
in 2003.
William the Conqueror has put
out a detailed prediction which includes Labor winning 53 - more likely than any
of my three, but only paying $9.
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November 23
Scenes from an
election
Brunswick candidate Christian
Astourian shopping in the CBD
Victoria: a lay-down misere ...
or not?
Is this election campaign strange? In middle of
last week I wondered whether the upcoming result might be closer than had been expected
- expected by me, anyway.
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Bracks has rampaged over all the published data since the 2002 election;
more important is the behaviour of Australian electors at state level over the
last several years. We should be in for a thumping Labor re-election. We
probably are, and yet ...
Mr Baillieu seems, for whatever reason, to be going well, doesn't he? Since
a week ago we've had one pollster, McNair (a bit small sample-wise, admittedly),
putting it dead even and
another, Nielsen, with 54 to 46.
While the uniform on-paper swing required to change government is very big,
Victoria's electoral architecture was in the past generally considered friendly to
the conservative parties (unlike NSW, believed Labor-friendly). Part of the reason for surprise
at the 1999 result was the belief that the ALP needed at least 52 percent two party
preferred to win. They won with 50.2 because of an an unexpectedly
excellent showing in rural areas.
The bush gaveth in 1999, might they (or another geographic) taketh away?
Look, Bracks will probably win handsomely on Saturday. But .... am eagerly awaiting the final opinion polls, usually taken Wed-Thurs and published
in Saturday papers.
November 22
Another Australian Newspoll editorial
Another week, another self-congratulatory Oz Newspoll editorial.
It's one thing to use that space to promote a newspaper's causes - eg a republic, IR or whatever - that's what editorials do. But to throw all that
rhetorical muscle into insisting that it is possible to make a judgement on a
political party's fortunes from one survey only - and one that is out of sync
with all other recent ones - is to argue that statistical black equals white,
and is just sad.
(The bulk of the press gallery running, on cue, whatever line Dennis
Shanahan puts in his headlines and lead-in ain't much cause for happiness
either.)
In both the editorial and opinion page cut
and paste, the paper sees vindication in the results of their efforts:
because Beazley's leadership is now wobbly, they were correct to read so much
into one opinion poll.
What to make of this reference to last Friday's Michael Costello column?
Mr
Costello errs in assuming the two-party-preferred measure is the one that
matters. While he is correct that Australia has compulsory preferential voting
for federal elections, the Newspoll preference allocation is artificial, based
on the previous election result.
So because the Newspoll two party preferred is unreliable, we should look
only at
primary support instead? Let's hope they're not serious.
What would be the result at an election if votes were cast as the latest
Newspoll (the one so diabolical for Labor) showed: Coalition on 41,
Labor on 37 and Greens on 9?
If we eliminate the Greens and send 80% of their preferences to Labor and 20% to
the Coalition - as they went at the last election - we get Labor on 44
and Coalition on 43. Who would win from there? Who
knows? It would depend on the rest of the votes and where their preferences
flowed (and of course how votes were spread across seats). In this instance, that 50-50
two party preferred is a pretty good descriptor of the situation: it could go
either way.
As the Oz believes in primary support only, perhaps they should adjust
their view and ask themselves whether Howard can win with just 41 percent, down
from the 47 he got at the 2004 election.
November 21
Blood in the water
and a suggested ticket
As the SMH
repeats those very shonky Galaxy Qld survey results from Sunday, as the commentariat
slips into a cult-like mass fantasy that the ALP has been doing badly in opinion polls
(nearly every survey over the last six months has had Labor in a comfortably
winning position, some by landslide amounts), the blood is
in the water. We've seen it before, no-one said politics was fair, and Kim's
days appear numbered.
But spare us the 'generational change', 'dream team' tag - smells like
Downer-Costello.
Is Julia really the second fiddle playing type? Do they need two motormouths
out front? And her tactical view - Latham-like, raring to go on 'values' and
'culture wars' - is still a worry.
The biggest barrier to a Labor win next year will once again be
misgivings about economic competence, and a grounded, thoughtful finance type
might complement the spiritual, expansive Rudd nicely. Bob McMullan also has
ministerial experience but lacks the factional backing, so ...
How about a Rudd-Tanner ticket?
November 20
ACNielsen in Victoria
Says
54 to 46; no primary
numbers in online version except Greens' 12.
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Galaxy poll in Queensland
Came across this via Bryan
Palmer: odd behaviour from pollsters Galaxy in
yesterday's Courier-Mail
with this question:
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"If a
federal election was held today, with John Howard and Kim Beazley as the two
leaders of the major parties, which one of the following would you vote for?"
What on earth did they think they were doing inserting
leaders' ratings into a voting intention question? Was
there possibly an additional question - eg with Kevin Rudd instead of Beazley -
which they've omitted from the results? (More likely, the newspaper did.)
(It was
also preceded by another question, which lessens its quality a little.)
[Update: reader alerts me to report
of another question in same survey.]
November 19
Victoria neck and neck?
According to a McNair poll in the Herald
Sun of 609 voters, it's 50.5 to 49.5.
That's unexpected enough, but the primary support levels of 39
to 46 are stranger still, and it's hard to see them
translating to such two party preferred numbers. With Green support at nine,
something like 49 to 51
would be more reasonable. Don't have hardcopy; I wonder how they did
preferences. [Update: they notionally allocate them by minor party - full
marks.]
It's difficult to believe anything remotely like this will happen on
election day - and,
yes, it's a small sample - but other polls have shown it closer
than expected. We'll have to wait for final surveys this week.
A Baillieu win would be great news for federal Labor. It would show
that incumbents are beatable; more importantly, the last time Victorians
tossed out a state Labor government (1992) they swung to federal Labor by
over four percent the following year.
On national grandeur
Here's George Bush on November 17 in Hanoi
...
when our [Iraq] deliberations are complete - and as you may or may not know,
we've got a lot of people looking at different tactical adjustments - once I
make up my mind what those will be, I'll share it with [John Howard] right off
the bat.
And here's Paul Kelly's interpretation, Insiders ABC November 19
I
think the clear message from [the Hanoi meeting] is that Howard and Bush will
work together in any subsequent change in policy, in any change in tactics. The
trust between the two leaders remains in place and the two countries are going
to work through these changes together. I think that's the real point of this
meeting.
For a perspective of APEC that isn't Aussie parochial, visit White House November
press releases.
November 18 "Karl
Rove"
With those two words, Bomber shifted his chances of contesting the next
federal election back below the 50% mark. But his party's odds of winning next
year remain about what they were before - say 2 in three - if we exclude the
re-erupting Lemming
scenario.
What I mean is:
(1) If Beazley remains as leader all this be forgotten and, assuming his
health is indeed ok, he'll probably win next year.
(2) If Rudd becomes leader, he stands a ... possibly a bit better, possibly
a bit worse chance of winning than Beazley. On the big plus side he would enjoy
the same bonanza as Howard and Latham in their days - just a year in the job before the
election, extended honeymoon, 100% party loyalty. (I don't subscribe to the 'the
opposition leader must be a household name to win' theory.)
(3) If Gillard gets the job (Lemming
scenario) the Coalition will probably win. Like Latham was, she's apparently the
branch members' choice, and no doubt some in Caucus (particularly the youngies)
are - as they were three years ago - thinking: 'Yes - finally someone to give
the show a good shake-up! She understands the secret of Howard's success and
will fight him on values, out-Howard the master himself and get him on the run! Do somersaults and
win points at election time! Cut through! Create momentum! Triangulate!'
But surely nothing like a Caucus majority this time?
Deja vu
Here's what was happening three years ago.
(Funnily enough a Newspoll published in early November 2003 contained a jump in
government support which - on top of everything else - led to Simon Crean's
demise. Back then, from a status quo of about 50-50
the government increased to 53 to 47.
This year the jump was from about 52 to 48
in Labor's favour to 50 50.
That is, Labor was in a much worse opinion poll position three years ago.)
Boom boom Harry
There's this
short letter from Harry Quick MP to The Australian this morning.
November 16 Newspoll
and Beazley: all about Dennis?
Several weeks ago Dennis Shanahan came out blasting in
the Oz about criticism of his Newspoll reporting - 'pissing in the wind'
he called it, and more. This week he and his paper's editorials (the second today)
are going to town on the basis of ... one survey taken over the weekend
(reported in two instalments). For a reminder that journalists in all outfits take their cue from Dennis's
Newspoll interpretation, see Kerry O'Brien v Beazley last
night.
The latest barrage is to do with personality traits. Full Newspoll results are here,
the bits that Dennis & co are hot and bothered about - health and education
- here.
(Probably the most important bit of the Newspoll was something that hardly
changed, an area where Howard leads Beazley by a mile. It's the reason the Coalition has remained
in power for going on 11 years, why state Labor governments are finding
re-election so easy, and why Tony Blair, Helen Clark and Jean Chrétien (unlike
Howard) all clocked in record election wins over the last decade (with the
lowest interest rates, unemployment etc in decades). The wall of Bill Clinton's 1992
'War Room' famously had a post-it note about it - it's in the first table here.)
All from one survey that itself, in voting intentions, looks a bit rogue-ish. It's tempting to
think there's a bit of ego involved, and all this is not just 'I told you so',
but retribution: 'go me and I'll bring Beazley down'.
November 15 "Middle
Australia"
Mr Beazley goes on a lot about 'middle Australia', doesn't he? It is of
course perfectly sensible (nay, necessary) to pitch at people who might be
described with those words, but it's a clinical, descriptive phrase, a little
condescending in the wrong hands. His repeated and deliberate use of it must
mean that Labor research shows lots of people identify with it.
It's no surprise that many folk reckon they're a 'typical Australian' or an
'average Aussie' - but 'middle Australia'? I guess it must be so - otherwise
he's confusing backroom terminology with public communication. But does it
alienate people - eg those who have climbed a few rungs of Latham's ladder - who
don't see themselves in those terms?
Victoria: closer than expected?
Speaking of Newspoll preferences below (don't yawn). They are using
different methods in the Victorian and federal spheres. In Victoria they're
keeping the 'old' method - the one that came a cropper federally at the 2004
federal election - of asking for second preferences only and kind of
extrapolating from there. For example, the final pre-2004 federal election
Newspoll had 45 to 39,
two party preferred 50-50.
If they had used the method they have used since, of allocating preferences as
they flowed (in total) at the previous election, they probably would have gotten
52 to 48 - much closer
to the actual result of 52.7 to 47.3.
This over-estimating of Latham's two party preferred vote was fairly
consistent, and we might approximately infer that people who were going to
give their preferences to Labor (eg most Green supporters) tended to nominate
Labor as their second choice, while those who would eventually preference the
Coalition tended to say 'dunno' to Newspoll's preference question. (Remember,
Newspoll's question is different to Nielsen's; Nielsen asks (paraphrasing) 'on
election day you must eventually choose between one or the other: which will it
be?')
I bring all this up (yet) again because of this week's Victoria Newspoll,
which had primary support at 44 to 40
(Greens on 8) and two party preferred 55
to 45. I reckon a notional distribution of
preferences would round to 54 to 46
which, along with other recent polls, makes the contest closer than might
have been anticipated. As you know, I'm a 'pattern' kind of guy, and if Victoria
is going to conform to the state pattern the gap will need to widen over the
next week and a half. The pattern guy in me expects this to happen, but if on
election day it is closer than about 56 to 44,
I reckon we can say Baillieu did quite well (and Bracks didn't).
(Is Newspoll's fascination with second (rather than full) preferences
related to Dennis Shanahan's repeated use - eg yesterday
- of the phrase 'second preference vote' instead of 'two party preferred' or
perhaps 'full preference vote'?)
November
14
That's the way ... Sol does it
Newspoll says 50 50
from 37 to 41,
not good for Beazley, no matter how you look at it - and it's a stretch to
blame it on 'State Labor sleaze'. But the Oz editorial
(penned by Dennis?) again goes over the top in dragging Newspoll into
the Howard Wars. Is there really such a creature as an 'over-enthusiastic
Beazley supporter'? Or even an enthusiastic one (other than Michael
Costello)?
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Newspoll's Green support is up two points to 9 percent. At the last
election 80 percent of Green preferences went to Labor and 20 to the Coalition,
and something like that will happen at the next one. But Sol Lebovic stubbornly
sticks to a preference allocation method which doesn't take changes in Green (or
any other individual party) support into account, and that extra two percent might as well belong to Family
First.
If I was King of a polling outfit I would notionally distribute preferences
from each minor party as they flowed at the last election (table 3 here)
no matter how small those support levels. Newspoll is getting all that data - Democrats, Family First, One Nation, etc - and
is just wasting it.
Victoria
See Malcolm's Victoria
pendulum in the same paper. (Not
great quality.)
November 12 2006
Betting
on US Presidential election 2008
Americans elect their next president in two years, and Centrebet is
currently giving odds. Hillary Clinton tops the list at $2.40 and John McCain
pays $3.25. To the casual observer (me) Hillary is too unpopular, surely. On the
other hand, a McCain Republican candidacy would be very hard to beat, but those
odds aren't attractive enough for a two year investment.
Going down the list of longer shots, most of whom I haven't heard of, Johns
Kerry & Edwards are there (Buckleys), as are Jeb Bush and Dick Cheney (yes,
laugh). But Rudi Guliani on $11 and Al Gore on $12 must be contenders.
I settled on Wesley Clark, Democrat primary contender in 2004, $10 @
$101 (payout $1010). Of course I've almost certainly done my dough, but ...
Americans like soldiers.
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