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September 25 Nielsen
soars to Howard
In a week commentators almost unanimously scored to Latham, first TNS in Makin,
then Morgan(!) and now Nielsen show the government moving ahead. It goes to show
that no-one really knows exactly what makes voters do what they do.
Here's
the table, the Age
and SMH:
54 to 46. Even Nielsen
pollster John Stirton seems doubtful.
September 24 Morgan:
51.5 to 48.5 !
Malcolm
Mackerras on the Senate, always required reading.
Leaked polling allegedly has Labor in good position. Here
and here. Appropriately vague.
September 22 The
other Malcolm
Crikey newsletter the other
day carried this brief item:
Know your demographic
Some enterprising soul has been at
work on a Malcolm Turnbull poster on Edgecliff Road. Rather than reading
"Putting Wentworth First" it now says "Fisting Wentworth".
But ACNielsen in the Age
and SMH
suggests the roles reversed. The survey in Wentworth
shows Malcolm Turnbull in danger of losing - though not to Peter King, but the
Labor candidate, David Patch. (SMH incorrectly declares King "is
directing his preferences to Labor".)
Nielsen results: Turnbull 34 Patch
27 King 25 Greens 12.
Eliminating everyone but the top three gives Patch 36,
Turnbull 35 per cent and King
28, which goes to 50 50
two party preferred, a roughly 50 50
split in King's preferences.
The last election saw primary votes of Lib (King) 52.1,
Labor 29.5 and Greens 9.8; two party
preferred: 57.9 to 42.1.
So Turnbull and King's combined Nielsen vote is about 5 more than King's in
2001, and Labor's primary vote is down marginally.
The amazing thing is King's preference flow. I'll believe it when I see it.
September 21 Morgan
in the Senate
Morgan, alone
again - naturally - sees the Coalition going backwards - "losing up to five
seats" - in the Senate. (Everyone else sees the government doing well,
possibly ending up with half the 76 positions as its poor 1998 result finally
recedes.) Readers may notice I stay away from the Senate as it hurts my head, but
a certain Mr Bludger gives the
whole thing a jolly good going over today.
Marky
Mark gets a Newspoll lift
The first post-debate Newspoll has Labor ahead 52.5
to 47.5 (to, uncharacteristically for Newspoll,
half a percentage point).
While we're on the topic, it's ...
Time for a Newspoll graph (about Crean and
Latham)
This is about how hapless Simon Crean (but not his successor) got the raw
end of Newspoll. Long-term readers may recall regular scolding of the pollster for
its lackadaisical
attitude to preferences. The story is rather tedious but much of it can be read here.
The upshot is that until February 2003 Newspoll didn't bother with preferences
(apart from during election campaigns). Only primary support was measured - and
published - which, without taking into account the unprecedented Green support
which would flow overwhelmingly to Labor, made poor old Simon Crean look even
worse than he was. (See this.)
In Feb last year they began calculating 'notional' two party preferred based on preferences at the 2001
election, but only using the aggregate preference flow from non-major parties.
(That is, 58% to Labor, 42%
to Coalition.) Better than a poke in the eye for Crean, but still not
doing him justice, because the make-up of those non-major votes had changed
dramatically - One Nation had collapsed, while Greens were firing ahead.
Then, from January this year, for the first time ever (outside a campaign)
Newspoll began asking respondents
for preferences (albeit just second ones). This coincided with a new Labor
leadership.
The point about all this is the notional numbers dudded Simon Crean, because
they nearly always under-stated Labor's two party preferred support.
Newspoll 2004 - two Newspoll
methods

The graph above shows Labor two party preferred Newspoll numbers throughout 2004 -
beginning in January and ending last weekend. (Only Labor's is shown; the
Coalition's at any point is, of course, 100 minus Labor's.) The red line is the number published in the Oz
- that is, by asking respondents for their preferences. The second, purple, is what
would have been published under the old 'notional' method if the poll
had been taken in 2003. (During 2002 no two
party preferred were given by the Oz.)
Today's Newspoll, 52.50-47.5,
would have been called 50-50 if it had been taken last year.
And the two before it, both 50-50,
would have been described as 51-49
and 52-48
respectively. Most of the earlier ones would have been understated too (where
the purple line is below the red
one).
Crean wasn't much of a leader, but Newspoll and the Oz made him look
worse than he was. Now, I don't have to tell you that Newspoll is the survey
most watched (especially mid-term, when apart from Morgan no-one else does it
regularly) and what it says (and how Mr Shanahan and the Oz interpret it)
ripples right across the commentariat.
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Phillip
Adams (1) ingratiates himself in case of a good election result, and
(2) adumbrates the company line if there's a bad one - better to
die on your feet than live on your knees. Strange, because Latham
is a bigger serial capitulator to Howardism than Beazley ever was, and on
mandatory detention, which Phillip feels strongly about, Latham's
complaint about Beazley was always that he wasn't tough enough.
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September 20 (evening) Malcolm
leaps off the fence
It's 7pm, and Malcolm Mackerras was just on ABC Radio National. Til
now uncharacteristically prediction-free, he now expects a Coalition majority of
"about ten seats" in the House of Reps. There, he's said it. Malcolm
never does anything without reference to his pendulum, which means he expects
about 50.5 to 49.5.
Glenn Milne returns to work
The Australian's Glenn Milne often does a good impression of
inscrutable non-partisan reporting .. and then there are columns like today's
in which he thunderously warns that the Green-Labor preference deal makes 'the
already strong likelihood of a hung parliament even likelier' - but never gets
round to explaining why. (Let's reiterate, a hung parliament is very
unlikely - and the preference deal makes it microscopically less unlikely.
To make such a difference it would have to result in a Green win in a seat
currently held by the Coalition.)
Then he has a whinge about Green preference flowing 90% to Labor (a sign of
their "visceral hatred of Howard"), confuses Green preferences per
se with the party's preference directing, and throws down this non-sequitur
in the penultimate par: "It is these figures that raise the spectre of a
hung parliament ... ".
"These figures" do nothing of the sort. What the Coalition is
really afraid of is not a hung parliament, but primary votes moving to the
Greens and failing to return via preferences - either going to Labor or
exhausting (through an accidental informal vote). That's why they spruik this
'hung parliament, be very afraid of the Greens' nonsense, and flick it to
friendly journalists.
September 19
Green preferences ado about nothing
Here we go again, a vital
deal for the ALP in getting Green preferences in 30 seats.
Most preference commentary implies that Bob Brown can actually direct them
in the House of Representatives. He can't; all anyone can do is make
suggestions on 'how to vote' cards. Then it's up to the voters, and very few
Green ones follow them.
This
Parliament House research note of a couple of years ago looked at parties'
success in directing preferences, and found the Greens least successful of them
all. "For the Greens, in divisions where preferences were directed to the
ALP, its share of Green preferences was 3.5 percentage points higher than in
divisions where no direction was given."
That's 3.5 percent of the Green vote, mind you, so in an electorate where
the Green candidate, to be optimistic, gets 10 percent of the vote, we're
talking about 0.35 percent of the total vote. Obviously, that can make a
difference if the contest is very tight, but that's not many electorates.
Green voters, in other words, tend to think for themselves - and about three
quarters will preference Labor ahead of the Coalition come what may.
Once upon a time, replacing
the first word in "Compulsory Preferential" with "Optional"
was high on Labor's to-do list - they got it in NSW and (later, under different
circumstances) in Queensland - to split the conservative vote. They are so
lucky they never succeeded federally: under OPV Mark Latham would be heading for
a dreadful hiding next month.
Senate preferences (as the Greens are getting from Labor in exchange) are a different story, because
something like nine out of ten people vote 'above
the line', so putting the flow in the hands of the parties. Good deal for
Greens.
Read also this.
Taverner poll in Sun
Herald: Marky Mark makes inroads into [NSW] women voters. Included
the question at right, which Latham wins - just.
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Who would you rather have lunch with, Mark Latham or John
Howard?
Latham .................... 47%
Howard .................... 44%
Neither ...................... 9%
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Some people will believe anything
Tony Abbott and Joe
Hockey allegedly in trouble in their posher than thou North Shore
Sydney seats. The 'Doctor's Wives' syndrome, apparently. Possibly the
silliest report of the week.
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September 18
Nielsen says 51 to 49 here
and here.
Graph at right is from SMH site, as is this largish
table.
Nielsen came closest of any major pollster to the actual result in
2001. Unlike Newspoll - but like Morgan - Nielsen measures full preferences.
Speaking of Newspoll, the Oz has them
in the Coalition marginals. Despite the headline, it shows Labor
making some ground there since last election.
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More on the pollsters
Following yesterday's post, a reader asked "How
is the Morgan Poll so out of whack with the others? The method might have
something to do with it normally but a phone poll should surely give results
more like the other polls. Are the questions different, or does it have more to
do with way preferences are dealt with?"
Answer: not sure. I wrote about the polls
in the AFR last year. Morgan and Nielsen ask for full preferences - full marks.
Newspoll just asks for second ones and calculates from there. Not too bad.
Around the time of the Queensland election an email from Antony
Green contained the following:
"By the way, I think you are a bit tough
on Newspoll. I am not exactly sure that asking preference questions in every
poll necessarily gives you better data. Past research has shown that people make
up their mind on the Senate and on preferences later than they do their main
lower house vote.
Remember that Newspoll and Morgan have always asked primary vote questions
differently. Morgan offers a list of minor parties, Newspoll ask Labor,
Coalition and other and then ask a second question as required. Traditionally
Newspoll has had a lower minor party vote as a result."
My spy at Nielsen sent me these
questions earlier this year. I don't have the others'.
But Weighting is probably the main explanation.
All the pollsters adjust their results (or, at least, their samples) to make
them more 'representative'. They all have their own methodology which they keep close to their
chests and Morgan probably does something different to the
others. That's my guess. As indicated earlier, there's a small chance (1 in 10?)
that Morgan was the most correct in 2001 and things changed drastically in the
last few days.
We'll probably find out on October 9.
September 17
The always delightful Mr
Morgan, post debate, says 54.5 to 45.5
A telephone survey; Morgan's specialty is the face-to-face which he keeps
insisting is superior.
Roy Morgan Research has been in the doghouse since the last election, which
they got wrong. The other pollsters Shadenfreuded all over the place, but in
truth none had much to be proud of. Yes, the rest correctly predicted a
Coalition win but they all overstated the margin.
Morgan has always maintained (as he would) that his polling was right and
that images of boats and chaos in the final days turned it. It's not out of the
question, and if Morgan really is the best Labor is heading for a landslide win
this time.
Litmus
seats: Eden-Monaro and Macarthur
Many eyes are on NSW's Eden-Monaro,
whose biggest town is Queanbeyan next to Canberra, as the bellwether seat.
It's gone to the election winner ever since (and including) 1972. But there's
actually an electorate that's had that characteristic at every election since
its creation in 1949 - Macarthur,
around the southern highlands of NSW.
It's expected to remain Liberal no matter what this time, but funnily
enough, the big redistribution before the 2001 election was on paper in Labor's
favour, so much so that new Lib candidate Pat Farmer needed a small swing to
hold it - which he got, and more.
Macarthur's complexion has moved away from regional towards outer suburban
mortgage belt, and like nearby Lindsay
and Hughes is looking difficult to
shift.
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Have added Australian
Financial Review to papers' election sites at top right. Has some
informative if slightly gimmicky graphics.
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Advertiser poll
in Wakefield has 53
to 47, a swing of a couple of percent to Labor.
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Mr Shanahan in the Oz does
the seat sums and comes up, wouldn't you know it, with a hung parliament,
although he doesn't describe it as such (see last par). His summary is useful in
broad, relative if not specific terms. South Australia does seem to be Labor's
best chance, but unfortunately, it's a small state with few seats. Queensland
has a smorgasbord on offer, but the signs there are mixed. WA probably go
backwards for Labor a little.
Apparently Labor expects to lose Hasluck
in WA. Not fair, as the member, Sharryn Jackson, was no lemming.
More on Dennis: in his column
today, he writes "the Coalition got 51 per cent of the vote after
preferences and lost the election in 1990." That should read "50.1 per
cent". There's a big difference; 51 percent, which Beazley got in 1998, was
the highest losing vote in federal history.
See rankings 18 and 22 in this
table.
September 16 Newspoll
in the SA margins
Perth yesterday was where Marky Mark bellowed (and Senator Peter Cook
behind him jumped out of his skin) that he was "Jack of it!". (At
least it's an Aussie colloquialism, unlike his favoured 'turn it up', which is
as Pommy as Sun Hill coppers. Isn't all this self-conscious 'ridgy didge' stuff
wearing thin?)
Anyway, over in South Australia the Oz
today reports a Newspoll in the marginal trio Adelaide,
Hindmarsh and Makin
giving 54 to 46, a
six percent swing to Labor since 2001. As the report says, "the polling contrasts
with recent data compiled by The Advertiser" (see
September 14 below).
The Oz doesn't say when the poll was taken, but my guess is that this is the
first since Sunday's debate; if so, that's a big boost
for Latham.
Tasmanian trees
No compunction prevented Mark Latham getting all populist over Governor
Butler's payout, and Tasmanian Premier Paul Lennon returns the favour by
rubbishing Labor's policy on trees.
Twenty-one years ago the Messiah Bob Hawke took Labor to victory with a
platform of which the Franklin Dam had a high profile. He got a three and
a half percent national swing comprising large positive contributions in every
state except one - Tasmania, which went to the Fraser government by three and a
half.
Back then all Tassie seats were in Liberal hands anyway; today all five are
Labor. Poor Ms Byrne.
September 15 Hung
parliament? Me
in Canberra Times
Schools
and home internet use
Two Census 2001 additions to pendulum gallery, tables showing number of
people attending private schools and numbers who use internet at home. The ranks
of the two tables are, as you might imagine, similar in many respects. Canberra
and Bradfield head both lists.
On the other hand, Sydney is near
top of internet list, near bottom of schools one, due to few kiddies. (APH
'Couple families with dependent Children' - not shown here - has Sydney at
bottom with 20.2 percent, the top seat, Calwell,
has 49.6)
Tassie seats bring up the rear of both.
Go to pendulum gallery, scroll to
bottom of right hand frame.
September 14 Newspoll
says 50 to 50 again,
from primary support of 40 to 46
- a somewhat Creanesque situation, but taken before the debate.
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From South Australia, one time Labor Sturt
candidate Phil Robins sends this about a Tiser poll
in Boothby
(no direct link). A safe Liberal seat.
Most important election since
1972/WWII/Federation/insert
It's "most important election" time again. Bob Hawke says it is -
as he did at every poll when he was PM, and all since. I think Beazley has too.
It's usually Labor politicians who use this line. Is it a good one to use from
opposition, when safety is at the forefront of the swinger's mind? Or is the
problem for Latham that everyone reckons he and Howard and peas in a pod on
everything but Iraq, so if that's the important thing ....
September 13 Latham,
nerves of steel, charms and wins debate
Any actor will tell you that getting on top of your nerves is 95 percent of
the job. If you do that, you can "be in the moment" and reach in and bring out all sorts of stuff.
Latham showcased his inner charmer last night.
If Howard has an inner charmer it remained unrevealed for the nerves, and he
was shrivelled once more. In the 2001 campaign it
was over two weeks before a post-debate Nielsen or Newspoll. They eventually
showed a fillip for the winner Beazley. Hopefully won't have to wait that long
again. (Tomorrow should see one or both of them, but they'll have been taken
over the weekend.)
(Counted one mention of "the vernacular" from Howard and a
restrained two "fair dinkums" and one "dead seat" from
Mark.)
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While we're in an optimistic mood for Labor, I want to put on the record my
nomination for the surprise Ohmygod! seat for Labor if they win the
election. It's Cowper, around
Coffs Harbour in NSW, only held once by the ALP (1961). The reasoning? It
exemplifies the sort of seat Latham has a best chance of winning: outside the
capital cities, low income, (see median income table link in right hand frame of
pendulum gallery) and it swung to
Labor a little in 2001 while the state went the other way. Also, there're hippies,
ferals and a growing number of ex-Sydneyites in them there hills.
In fact, here's the two party preferred graph for Bellingen (in the
hills, home to the odd George Negus type) from 1993 to 2001. To give an idea of scale, 1996 was 44.7
to 55.3 and 2001 was 59
to 41. The numbers involved are not large -
about 2000 at the booth for all four elections - but who knows how many
sea-changers have joined George in the last three years?
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Bellingen booth two party
preferred 1993 - 2001

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September 12 4:30pm
Death in Kalgoorlie
A reader informs me that Kevin Richards, the ALP candidate for
world's biggest electorate Kalgoorlie
(certainly winnable for Labor), has died of a heart attack.
Debate tonight
A horrible feeling John Howard will utter, at least once, "to use the
Australian vernacular, [such and such] is not 'fair dinkum'", and
"larrikinism", "Kilkenny Cats" and "ridgy didge"
will come from Marky Mark's mouth.
ABC reports a
poll in Tasmania that has Bass
and Braddon being lost to the
Liberals. But with 1,000 respondents across the state, such individual seat
calls are not meaningful.
Update: Fairfax also has
it. Might be better to use the aggregate Tasmanian two party preferred,
which they don't give us but which from what they do is probably 54
to 46. Last election was 57.7
to 42.3. Either way you look at it, Bass looks
shaky. But sitting member O'Byrne is a card-carrying lemming
so
there might be some justice here. I touched on this six
months ago.
September 11 Another
day off for the Drama Queen of the South Pacific
As the sookiest nation on Earth gorges on another whopping serve of
self-importance and self-pity, it turns out that today was
always going to be a rest day out of respect to the Twin Towers episode three
years ago. Pass the bucket. Talk about selective mourning: do we honour any
other world atrocities like this?
Thankfully October 12 (Bali bombings) falls after polling day.
Anyway
... Adelaide
Advertiser asks a wee sample of 419 voters in the seat of Adelaide
who they reckon they'll vote for and gets two party preferred at 51
to 49. Thankfully they're not still doing their 2pp
calculations to two decimal places, but their "math" (as we Americans
say) looks poor. In primary support they've got Libs on 42, Labor 35, Greens 5
and Dems 3. If they're still calculating using the preference flow at the last
election then their sums are wrong; it should be at least 52
to 48.
Also, a sample of 419 means, according to this
formula, an error margin of 5% (with a 95% confidence interval). Let's say
Adelaide could go either way.
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