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October 27 A
Mr Stephen Loosely, who predicted a Labor win, now knows (in the Oz)
- like everyone else - why
they lost, and it's the standard: "to regain national government, Labor
needs to be viewed as the better alternative in international affairs and
economic security. These issues were pivotal strengths for the entire
Hawke-Keating period of government, when the Coalition was marginalised."
Wrong. What's important is how Labor won power in 1983, not how they kept it
for the 13 years. Once they're in (and they do a competent job or more) they'll
be seen as the safe, sensible option and the Coalition will indeed be
marginalised, at least for a few elections.
Pardon self-indulgence, but I recall telling a journalist over the phone
early in the month that whatever happens, we should all remember what we were
thinking before election day, because after that a mass mindset kicks in.
Howard's spot is the history books is now secure, but it looked shaky before
October 9 because many Australians were tired of the government and ready for
something else. That something was, however, too risky, and (apart from 'Mickey
Mouse goes to Iraq') not different enough.
Macho economic talk from oppositions sends voters scurrying. I can't think
of any opposition that prevailed due to perceived superior economic credentials;
instead, they've convinced people they wouldn't make a mess of it. They've
occupied the middle ground but presented something different. Install a Mini-Me
ridgy-didge Howard as leader, and you'll get Howard's strength - interest rates
- as the issue. Give voters something different to think about, and interest
rates won't be front and centre.
Infatuation with Howard in large part led to the Latham leadership in the
first place. There's this from a couple
of years ago.
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Another thing ...I hate 'roosters'. Media
references to 'the roosters' are really really boring. It was never much
of a tag in the first place, and I wish they'd stop!
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October 25 Senate
count
Bryan Palmer of Oz Politics reckons this:
"It looks like Glenn Druery has been using my
Senate Calculator to generate the analysis he provided to you. The
Senate figures from AEC jump around quite a bit (and votes appear and disappear
from the system a regular intervals). Not sure why, but it may explain the
Queensland anomaly. (I got caught out similarly with Tasmania on Monday 18
October."
Mr Latham
How long will Latham last as leader? It's likely those record high approval
ratings are gone forever, for the simple reason that about 30% of the population
really really wanted Labor to win, and their expectation that Marky-Mark was the
one to do it led them to rate his performance highly. The same people
contributed to Crean's shocking ratings, because they thought his chances were
next to nothing (wrongly in my opinion).
Probably Latho's preferred PM numbers will go south too. On voting
intentions, past experience suggests a post election jump for the government,
which dissipates; my guess is Latham will hit the lead again in a few months.
October 24 Latham's
required swing?
Going into October 9, Labor's on paper uniform swing required to win was about 1.7
percent. Now, on rough calculations, it's about 4.3 percent. Ie they would need
about 51.5 percent two party preferred to win next
time. These things aren't to be taken literally, of course.
Senate count
Here's me in the Fin Review
on basic Senate electoral concepts. Minds, as Richard Burton would say,
immeasurably superior to ours actually follow the count. Got this
from Antony Green yesterday. And still-in-with-a-chance NSW candidate Glenn
Druery, who likes nothing better on the weekend than a 'roo shoot in his 4B with
a few mates and a couple of slabs, sent this.
Geoff Lambert reckons this.
October 23 Ramsey
watch; Malcolm's pendulum works
Alan Ramsey, for whom that lovable rogue Latham can do no wrong, shows in
the SMH
today how to put the best spin on an awful result.
He used to call Beazley's 2001 loss a hiding, disaster etc but this one,
which is worse, is not-too-bad-actually. And anyway it's the fault of backbench
dead-wood; heaven forfend that Boofhead had a hand in the thing.
Alan also reveals, not for the first time, a lack of familiarity with preferential voting. It wasn't the 'marginal
seats campaign' that minimised the seat losses despite the huge primary vote difference (46.5
to 37.8), but, of course, preference flows that
brought the two party preferred result to 52.7 to 47.3.
That was 1.7 percent swing to the Coalition, which if you plot on the
pendulum correctly produces a net gain to Coalition of four. So the
Mackerras Pendulum worked a treat this time.
Here's
preferential voting made easy.
Paul
Kelly today, 'PM is beyond Menzies', is 95 percent empirical
nonsense, but Paul is a national story-teller and facts
are incidental. Batten the batches,
we're going to get alot of this stuff. The consensus goes like this: Howard is a
brilliant politician, Latham is quite brilliant too, but it turns out Howard is
even more brillain than we thought. He was much too good even for Latham.
Much closer to the truth is that Howard is a competent politician, but no
more, and the ALP put up the one person (out of serious contenders) guaranteed
to hand him a fourth term. I've always maintained that even Crean had a better
chance of winning than Marky-Mark, and I maintain it still. Damned lemmings
buying into the Kellyesque narrative led to this disaster.
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And here's the goose for me, for beginning
today's 'Lies and Statistics' column in the Australian Financial Review
with the line: "From July next year, John Howard will almost
certainly become the first prime minister since 1981 to control the
Senate". [No link.]The papers today report he probably won't.
[update: papers were wrong; I'm a goose no longer.]
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October 21 Table: seats by two
party preferred swings by state
Beazley believers (that is, not that he
might have done better, or perhaps fallen over the line, but the most likely
result would have been a comfortable Beazley win) are joining me out of the email word-work; journalists, Labor
types and others.
Said one in the second category: "When Beazley lost to Latham, I felt,
along with others as if there had been a death in the family. Not only had we
tossed away a likely win for Beazley but we had also lessened the chances of
Latham being able to develop further before being called up."
Others noted that despite Crean's poor performance his two party preferred
lingered around 50 percent. Actually, that's not the half of it. Newspoll, as I've
mentioned many times, calculated Crean two party preferred differently to
Latham's. Latham's final Newspoll two party preferred, published on election
day, was 50 50. Under
the Crean method it would have been 48 to 52.
And even then, Crean rarely scored as poorly as Latham's actual election
result, about 47.2 to 52.8.
Caught Marky Mark on 7:30 Report last
night, where he showed he understands that the main task is fixing Labor's
economic credibility. In other words, he still doesn't get it.
He also gave Beazley a quick slap, that he (Latham) now has to do the work
that should have been done since 1996. God help us all, but at least he didn't
go on about Green Valley.
What's Peter Beattie up to?
October
17 A table: seats by two
party preferred swings
History lesson
Witness the writing of history. For a while
(until the evening of Saturday October 9) we forgot that Howard was the wiliest
politician ever to walk the earth and criticised his performance. But now we
realise that he always knew what he was doing, he never put a foot wrong;
indeed, everything he did was calculated with characteristic precision. The
corollary is that most things Labor did in the campaign were wrong.
So the accepted campaign lessons evolve, and
this matters because they are learnt. For example, the belief is taking hold
that if only Labor had run a better campaign, or had better policies, they would
have won.
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Paul Kelly
On a related topic, I think I've got a handle on Mr Kelly. He's
rightly considered a - perhaps the - doyen of Australian
journalism, a major public figure. Anyone who
saw his ABC telly series of Australian history a few years ago (repeated
recently) can't doubt his broad canvas narrative and interpretive skills
and ability to make facts digestible. It was excellent, encapsulating the
issues, weaving a story, informing of the main debates.
Several weighty books under his belt; The End of Certainty in
particular is still much quoted in academic and other circles.
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I reckon Paul's a historian. Historians are story-tellers who interpret the
past and give it meaning. I'm currently reading John Hirst's History of
Australian Democracy, which is beautifully written - simply and clearly
explaining the issues and what the thinking was in the 19th and 20th centuries.
Like Kelly's work, it gives me the important facts, within that particular
narrative.
But we know it's not the whole truth, just the parts that fit a story the
nation subsequently settled on.
Sometimes when Hirst puts his two cents into current events he can be ...
simplistic and prone to flowery generalisations. (And highly partisan.) The same with
a Blainey, Watson or a Reynolds. Their analytical tools, perfect for giving the
past meaning, don't work the same way for the present.
Paul Kelly writes about Howard having broken the nexus between Labor's two
electoral wings, his being a 'counter-puncher' etc. This might be what political
historians write about the Howard government in years to come, but it's not
really true.
Paul's advice yesterday on what
the ALP needs to do is just the sort of linear stuff with which the blasted lemmings
took the country into Saturday's mess in the first place. Kelly reckons
that Latham wasn't enough like John Howard all along.
If the ALP believes it was about 'economic
credibility', if only they'd run a better campaign, they should have been more
like the Liberals ... well, get ready for more losses.
During the Coalition's 13 years in
opposition, no shortage of commentators was telling them that Labor had seized
the middle ground and the Liberals had to put a 'wet' like Ian McPhee in to have
any hope of winning. Luckily for them, they paid no heed.
Opinion polls
Expect any post-October 9 surveys to show
government support comfortably above what they achieved on election night. Such
a boost to the winner happens after every election.
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October 16 ACT
elections
For the past 6 months I've lived
in Canberra, and so today will participate in a ritual through which
ordinary citizens tell themselves they have some ownership of decisions
taken by technocrats. We call it an 'election'.
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Canberra gets its own Stateline, which I watched for
the first time last night when it had interviews with the Labor Chief Minister
and Opposition leader. (Wonder what it features most Fridays?)
Brendan Smyth (Lib) and John Stanhope (Lab) both seemed like a
nice boys, and everyone expects Labor to win, probably with the help of
independents (proportional representation here) and commentators all have their
reasons: the Lib guy is a wimp, he hasn't "cut through", Stanhope is
"too good" etc, but you
and I know it's the same reason Bob Carr beats John Brogden, Gallop will win in Western
Australia next year etc - the cycle.
Senate
NSW Lib for Forests Senate candidate Glenn Druery didn't
appreciate being called a four-wheel drive nut the other week, nor a hoon, yobbo
and bush-basher, and now emails his dismay at 'pot-smoking hippy'. There's no
pleasing some people.
Anyway, Glenn and others sent their Senate calculations in
throughout the week. I was going to post them later, but they're probably out of
date by now. Everyone seems to reckon the Coalition will have 39 out of 76 seats
from July next year, which is a majority, and so can get through whatever it
wants and close down committees.
This is the sort of outcome many in the media have been calling
for, so let's see what happens. I'm interested in what they do to the Electoral
Act. Closing the rolls when an election is called will probably be an appetiser.
If Labor wins the next election (nothing like the long shot
everyone thinks it is if they sort their leadership out) they may still have a
Coalition-controlled Senate.
Mr Beazley
There is, it turns out, another person on the planet who thinks
Kim would have won, and he emailed in response to my Age
piece:
"I
agree with you in The Age about Latham and Beazley. Why did the dills pick
Latham? The idiots!
And how can it be that
Beazley did better in 2001 despite the Tampa and 9/11, while Latham performed
worse in 2004 with no Tampa, no 9/11 and a failed war in Iraq which Howard
supported and Labor opposed?
"
However, the position of the other 19,999,998 Australians could be
summarised by this reader::
"In
all the wash up and over-analysis of this election, there is nothing so absurd
as the
notion that Kim Beazley would have won it for Labor. What was the thrust
of the Libs
negative ads? High interest rates under the previous Labor government.
Who was
Finance Minister then? Remember 2001 and the "Beazley black
hole"? They would
have had a field day, and the result would have been worse for Labor.
Bottom line is that the economy is humming, and there are enough people out
there
with 400K+ mortgages who were scared into thinking rates would go up ..."
Mr Ramsey in 2001
Alan Ramsey wears his heart on his sleeve, and his Monday SMH column
in particular was much noted. Can't find a link, but included this:
"How on earth could we have put this
scheming, mendacious little man and his miserable claque back in office for
another three years? ... For almost nine years this Government, incompetent in
most everything except mediocrity, debauched its word and the people's trust,
along with voters' gullibility, their ignorance, their taxes and, in the end,
their greedy self-interest ... I thought we had more brains, more
self-respect."
But he hasn't always felt that way. After the 2001 campaign -
arguably the height of the PM's mendaciousness, during which Alan's
Howard-cheering, especially on the boats, was enough to make a Shanahan blush -
he celebrated the wily survivor with this
piece (headline: 'No Bones About It: He has a Great Average'), which ends:
"You don't have to like him or his policies. You just have to give him his
due."
Alan's not really a Howard-hater, just a Latham-lover.
October 15 Me
again: memories
After Brack's 2002 win I wrote this
for The Age, which included, about two-thirds down, the following:
"Recriminations and self-congratulations
naturally flow from electoral wipe-outs, but something is afoot in the
Australian collective psyche.
It might, just might, have something to do
with Prime Minister John Howard. And either way, it is typically good news for
him.
New South Wales followed up Carr's big win
with a 4 per cent swing to John Howard on November 10, 2001, the largest of any
state. The second biggest swinger was Queensland.
Don't be surprised if Victoria does the same
at the next federal election.
Victoria has been federal Labor's foul-weather
friend recently, along with Tasmania, the only state to give the ALP two-party
preferred majorities at every federal poll since 1990. Saturday's result might,
paradoxically, mark the end of this era."
Victoria did indeed post a bigger government swing than
Queensland or New South Wales or South Australia. Can't tell yet whether bigger
than WA or Tasmania.
And speaking of state trends, expect Labor to win big-big-big
in WA next year (whatever the polls say now).
October 14 Me
In The
Age, on, of course,...
Antony
Green's estimate of final seat washup is exactly as I predicted
a week ago. I got the February Queensland
state election spot on too (in total, not specific seats). It's lonely being
the only person in the country who believes (knows!) Beazley would have romped
home on Saturday, so I cling to the little things.
Been quiet the last few days.
Little to say. Will post a few things later in week, including number-crunching
by, amongst others, that pot-smoking hippy and unsuccessful NSW Senate candidate
Glenn Druery.
October 10 Chin up
The media fawning over Howard in the coming
days, weeks and months will be too much to bear. Don't believe the hype;
he's just a lucky lucky fellow.
Can't stomach the television this (Sunday)
morning, but no doubt Liberal Federal Director Brian Whatsisname will be
flogging some dodgy exit polls explaining why Australians did what they
did. Whatever he says, don't believe that either.
My prediction looks almost
spot-on (although ruminations on Cowper
turned out to be rubbish). Those portentous, hung-parliament doom-sayers were, as at
every federal election, the biggest gooses.
| In fact, here's the goose in their honour. |
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Pollsters
It's difficult to get two party preferred numbers at this stage, but it
seems to be something like 53 to 47,
so ACNielsen was far and away the best. Morgan was most wrong of the
big three - for the second election in a row - and Newspoll has little to be cocky
about.
The 1998 result was 49 to 51
and 2001 was 51 to 49,
so we've now seen two 2 percent pro-government swings in a row. (Expect many
mentions of the last time a government got two swings - 1963 and
1966.) And like the
last election, it produced a smaller net change in seats than might be
anticipated. (A two percent uniform swing on the pendulum would have produced a
government majority of 38; it looks instead like 22 or 24. On the other hand, if
it only turns out to be a 1.5 percent swing, the pendulum was an accurate
predictor.)
Update: it looks like the 2pp is about 52.5
to 47.5 which still favours Nielsen over
the Newspoll, certainly to the extent they showed a clear Coalition win. It
also means the pendulum's predictive powers worked.
Tally Room
Attended National Tally Room last night, and met a few luminaries. Margot
Kingston: not happy. Had a photo taken with Malcolm Mackerras (inventor of the
pendulum), but I don't like
how I look so it won't get posted. MP3ed an interview with Senator Ron Boswell, but
my speech is as slurred as my questions are stupid, so you don't get that
either. But here's the Poll Bludger William Bowe, here's The
Chaser's Charles Firth interviewing Malcolm. (Obviously I plonked myself in
the camera's eye.) And this is an
uninteresting shot of the room that happens to have Kate from 'The Panel' in the
foreground.
Might post again later today. I reconciled to this outcome long ago (see my
December rants). If you're happy with the result -
congratulations. If you're depressed - it's ok to wallow for a couple of days,
but why not recognise it as the joke it obviously is? Really, it's quite funny
when you think about it. Someone up there's laughing.
October 9 Election
day not a minute too soon; the polls, the polls
The three major pollsters have registered their tickets, and there's
something here for everyone. 'Hung parliament!' nuts have both Newspoll,
50 50
from primary support of 45 to 39,
and Morgan, 49
to 51 from primary support 45.5
to 38.5. Man of Steel fans can take inspiration
from Nielsen's
whopping 54
to 46 in the government's favour, with
primary votes 49 to 37.
Marky-Mark acolytes have to dig a little deeper, but it's there. Nielsen
(with the biggest sample) was taken over Tuesday to Thursday, Newspoll was on
Wednesday and Thursday nights, and Morgan's (also over the phone) on
Thursday and Friday. So if you believe in late swings, and we take the polls
literally, there's a big one on for Labor.
Morgan has Labor performing exceptionally in the Coalition's marginals (two
party preferred 50.5, up from 47.7
in 2001, ie about a three percent swing), which makes the headline 'Too close to
Call - Possible Hung Parliament' a little odd.
So who's right? Nielsen's scenario, though unlikely, can't be ruled out.
(Carr, Bracks and Beattie won most recent elections with larger numbers than
that.) The other two reside in the usual federal election ballpark.
You could just average the three out and come to something like 51
to 49, probably an increased majority for the
government. Or you could toss a coin.
(Nielsen must be sweating about the curse of Morgan. They'd probably be
happy with a government win of any description).
So has the A*se-L*cker l*cked his last a*se? Or will Boofhead implode in an
unedifying pile of oozing testosterone? I'll stick with my prediction
of the other day, but it really could go either way.
See you in the Tally Room.
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October 8 Newspoll
in the marginals
Newspoll again surveys
twelve government-held marginals and finds Coalition ahead 51.5
to 48.5 compared with 51.2
to 48.8 at the last election. Mr Shanahan's
got the bubbly out already, but if we are to take anything from those
numbers it's that it's too close to call in those marginal seats.
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Election-watchers generally pay too much attention to the seats that
happened to end up 'marginal' at the last election. There's a new Labor leader,
the terms of the contest have changed and there's always seat by seat
volatility. Nearly always, a seat or two bolts out of the blue.
Oldies
and Youngies
The funny thing is, Latham embodies the young, outer suburban mortgage-belters
who often decide marginal seats, and was in part elevated to appeal to them.
But if anything he's probably driven them further to Howard (they might imagine
that if Latham wasn't in the ALP he'd be a Howard man too), and if he wins it'll
probably be thanks to oldies. Dobell
will be interesting, because it's got lots of both.
Caught Marky Mark laying on the charm with Uncle Ray and then Kerry last
night. Whereas
Mr Rodent is utterly without the stuff, Latham knows how to do it. These things
might make a difference in the last few days. 'Give the new bloke a go'. Wait for tomorrow's polls before finalising predictions.
Note, dark horse pick, Cowper, has
many oldies.
October 7 Tassie
Forests
Why Labor's Tassie forests policy? To retrieve first preference votes from
mainland Green voters, particularly in vulnerable seats like Melbourne,
Sydney and Grayndler,
in the process losing some to the Liberals in Tassie. Looked at that way, it's a
net shift of after-preference support to the Coalition (because most of those
Green votes come back to Labor down the ballot slip) - but restricted to
Tasmania. It's not just forest workers; Tasmanians don't like being pushed
around by the mainland. Labor holds all Tassie seats today, and Bass
is first off the rank.
1983 Tasmania seats
Seat
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ALP2pp
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swing
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Franklin
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46.5
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-0.8
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Denison
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44.2
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-3.4
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Bass
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41.7
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-4.0
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Wilmot
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44.9
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-5.0
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Braddon
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37.4
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-7.5
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When Bob Hawke was elected in 1983, with 'No Dams' an issue, ten House
of Representatives seats swung to the Coalition
and 115 to Labor. All Tasmania's five were
among the former, which didn't matter much because they were Liberal held
already (although it may have postponed Tassie's return to the federal
Labor fold). Braddon, at 7.5 percent, was the biggest anti-Labor swinger
in the nation and was, so a reader tells me, where the Franklin dam was. There's speculation Braddon
might again react passionately on Saturday.
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Newspoll in the states
The final in a series of state-by-state Newspoll two party preferreds
in the Oz. They left Tasmania out because sample size was too small
'to be meaninful', but that applies to the other five. (Total sample size
1680, which probably makes the biggest, NSW's, about 500). Below is
Newspoll's performance on the final Thursday in the 2001 campaign - worst
in Victoria, by almost six percent.
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Newspoll final state-by-state poll in 2001
(published Thursday before poll)
State
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Newspoll
Coal. 2pp
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Newspoll
ALP 2pp
|
Coal. 2pp
on Nov 10
|
ALP
2pp
on Nov 10
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New South Wales
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50.5
|
49.5
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51.7
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48.3
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Victoria
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53.5
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46.5
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47.9
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52.1
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Queensland
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52.5
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47.5
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54.9
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45.1
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Western Australia
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53.5
|
46.5
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51.6
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48.4
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South Australia
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55.5
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44.5
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54.1
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45.9
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October 6
Wimpy predictions
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Crikey
reports several predictions on some telly show or other, and as is often
the case the anticipated margins are small - 4,5 or 6. One even goes for
... yes, a hung parliament!
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Wimpy predictions are good for bet-hedging, but as I've explained many
times, not being sure who's going to win doesn't mean the result will be
'close'.
Here's my prediction, consistent with what I've been
saying since December 2 2003 - an increased majority for the government - and
it has a two in front of it. The (notional) situation today is Coalition 83 and everyone else 67, a clear
majority of sixteen. I reckon on Sunday the result might be about Coalition
87
to everyone else 63, a majority of 24.
As a specific result it is statistically about as likely as the small ones
above, but harder to wiggle out of if I'm disastrously wrong. Will predict
again in coming days, specifically after final opinion polls on Saturday. (Notice I'm staying away from how
many seats Greens will win, if any. That's too hard.)
Simon's score: Oh, and under a Crean Labor
leadership yesterday's Newspoll would have been reported as 52
to 48. (Reminder
of what I'm talking about.)
October 5 Newspoll:
50.5 to 49.5
Voicemail warning: if you live in a marginal
seat and after work find your answering machine flashing, it might be a message
from the PM like this mp3 file. Note the vague
wording, so you might think you've actually missed talking to the man in person!
[Warning, 400kb]
October 4 Nielsen:
52 to 48 in
SMH
and Age
Deja vu: Glenn
Milne rabbiting on about a hung parliament. It was silly enough the first
and second times.
Lemmings update:
three more years
Look, nothing would make me happier than posting the goose
on Saturday night. But I can't see it.
Yesterday's Sun-Herald (apparently) advised Aussies to stick with the
government because "Latham will be a better leader for three years in
Opposition. And when he next steps up to the ballot box, Howard will almost
certainly be gone."
Expect a lot of that reasoning next Saturday: 'I like the bloke a lot, but I'll stick
with Howard and .. maybe next time.'
Imagine a pollster asked : 'out of all politicians around today, which two
would you like to see
as PM and deputy PM?'. My guess is the most popular combination would be Howard and
Latham (in that order). There's your problem with Boofhead in a nutshell. Caucus searched
high and wide to find the closest among their number to John Howard, because they were
obsessed with John Howard and thought only a Howard could beat Howard. Someone
who scratches the same psychological itch. But, as Paul Kelly might say, they
just didn't get it: that only boosts the incumbent. If the choice is the real thing or an untried version of same, why take the
risk?
Tony Abbott demonstrated this administration's addiction to the automatic
lie last week on 'Lateline'. Voters perceive a dysfunctional government that's
been in too long, unhealthily obsessed with its leader, willing to do absolutely
anything for another term. It is ripe for the plucking. But which opposition
leader would votes more likely flow to: the one who advocates muscling up, being
as ruthless as the government, with no time for wimps? Or an old softy like
Kim Beazley? Or even a hapless plodder like Simon Crean?
Anticipate the company line if Labor loses: (1) they were never going to win
anyway; (2) next time they'll do it; (3) at least they went down all guns blazing;
(4) it's all Beazley's
fault.
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