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November 5
Charles Richardson's US election post-mortem
Crikey psephologist Charles Richardson writes:
Watching American election results remains a frustrating experience. Big blocks
of electoral votes just appear out of nowhere: there is no concept of
"swing", no-one ever talks about the pendulum, no-one matches
precincts to get comparative results.
It's like Australia of forty years ago: not just pre-Antony Green, but
pre-Malcolm Mackerras. So what follows is an attempt to explain what happened in
psephological terms that Australians will understand.
In 2000, George Bush Jr received 49.7% of the two-party vote. This year,
according to the latest figures, he has 51.6%, a swing of 1.9%.
It is not surprising, therefore, that Bush won a majority in the electoral
college. It is smaller than you would expect, though, because so much of his
swing was concentrated in his own safe states. A uniform 1.9% swing would have
gained him the states of Florida, New Mexico, Iowa, Wisconsin, Oregon and
Minnesota, plus one electoral vote in Maine, for a gain of 67 electoral votes.
As it was, however, he only gained the first three of those (the Democrats have
not yet conceded Iowa, but Bush is clearly ahead), and lost one of his own
states, New Hampshire, for a net gain of only 35 electoral votes. (As explained
in my election preview, I count Florida as starting in the Democrat column.)
To win in 2008, the Democrats will need a uniform swing of 1.3% - the median
state of course being Ohio, with its 20 electoral votes. In other words, they
could win the electoral college without a majority of the vote, because their
vote is a little more evenly spread than the Republicans'.
The Republicans won 31 states, 15 of them with margins of more than 10%; the
safest was Utah on 22.9%. All but one (Indiana) of the 15 are in the deep south
or the west.
John Kerry won 19 states plus the District of Columbia, but only three states by
more than 10%; all three are in New England, the safest being his own state,
Massachusetts, on 12.9% (the District of Columbia was 40.6%).
It was very much a status quo election: the majority of states swung by less
than 2% either way. On current figures, the biggest swing was 5.9%, to the
Republicans in Hawaii; the biggest the other way was 4.9% in Vermont.
To the extent that it is moving at all, the American electorate seems to be
getting more geographically polarised. Prior to the election, there were 16
states held with margins of less than 3%. Now there are only 11.
The pattern of party support is clear from a glance at a map: Democrats have the
north-east and the west coast, the mid-west is marginal, and the Republicans
have everything else. It is the Civil War division repeating itself, but with
the party labels reversed.
Just as interesting, however, was the pattern of swing this time, which I have
not seen mentioned by any other commentator. Although nowhere swung very much,
the east swung generally to the Republicans, and the west to the Democrats. Of
the 17 states that swung to Kerry, 11 of them were west of the Mississippi,
while of the 14 biggest swings to Bush, all but two (Hawaii and Oklahoma) were
to the east.
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